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Labour economicsChapter 3: Labour demand

Overtime regulation

Key facts

Key facts

DiD=(yˉT,1−yˉT,0)−(yˉC,1−yˉC,0)\displaystyle \text{DiD} = (\bar{y}_{T,1} - \bar{y}_{T,0}) - (\bar{y}_{C,1} - \bar{y}_{C,0})
Course
Labour economics, ECON 331
Textbook
Borjas, chapter 3
Practise this topic (15)

Overtime regulation requires employers to pay a premium, usually time and a half, for hours beyond a standard workday or workweek. It raises the price of long hours relative to the price of hiring another worker. Firms respond by cutting overtime and setting more workdays at exactly the standard length; the effect on the number of workers is ambiguous.

In Alberta, overtime is any time worked over 8 hours a day or 44 hours a week, whichever gives more overtime hours, and it must be paid at least 1.5 times the regular wage. A written overtime agreement can replace the pay with paid time off at one hour per overtime hour.1 Federally regulated workplaces use standard hours of 8 a day and 40 a week, with overtime paid at 1.5 times the regular wage or taken as time off at 1.5 hours per overtime hour.2 In the United States, the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 requires time and a half after 40 hours a week,3 and California also requires it after 8 hours in a day.4

A firm buys labour in two units: workers and hours per worker. Some costs are paid per hour, chiefly the wage. Others are paid per worker regardless of hours: recruiting, training, equipment and many benefits. Payroll taxes partly fall in this group, because employer EI premiums and CPP contributions stop once a worker’s earnings reach annual ceilings.5

Fixed costs per worker make longer hours the cheaper way to buy labour, up to the point where fatigue lowers output per hour. An overtime premium raises the price of hours past the standard while leaving the price of a worker unchanged. That changes relative input prices, and the long-run demand framework applies:

  • Substitution effect: hours past the standard are now relatively expensive, so firms use fewer hours per worker and more workers. This is the “spread the work” case for overtime rules.
  • Scale effect: labour costs more in total, so firms produce less and use less of both workers and hours.

Hours per worker fall for certain. Total hours fall. The number of workers rises only if the substitution effect outweighs the scale effect.

Hours per worker: a jump in the price of an hour

Section titled “Hours per worker: a jump in the price of an hour”

With a daily standard of 8 hours, the marginal cost of an hour is the straight-time wage up to 8 hours and the overtime rate after. A firm sets each worker’s day where the value of the marginal product of an extra hour, which falls with fatigue, meets this marginal cost.

Overtime premium: daily hours per worker with and without the ruleThe value of the marginal product of an extra hour per worker falls as the day gets longer. The marginal cost of an hour is the $20 straight-time wage up to 8 hours a day and the overtime rate after that. Without the rule the firm sets daily hours where the value of an hour equals $20; with the rule it cuts overtime, often all the way back to exactly 8 hours.
Hours per day without the rule
10.0
Hours per day with the rule
8.0
Overtime hours cut per worker
2.0
Figure 1. The value of the marginal product of an extra hour per worker against the marginal cost of an hour, which jumps from the $20 straight-time wage to the overtime rate after 8 hours. With no rule the firm sets a 10-hour day; with a 50 percent premium the $30 overtime rate exceeds the value of every hour past 8, so the day is cut to exactly 8 hours. At a higher output price of $5.50 the firm still works overtime but cuts the day from 11.4 to 9.5 hours.

The jump in marginal cost produces three predictions:

  1. Fewer overtime hours. Where the value of a ninth hour exceeds the straight-time wage but not the overtime rate, the hour is no longer worked.
  2. Bunching at the standard. Any firm whose value of an hour at 8 lies between the two rates chooses exactly 8 hours, so 8-hour days become more common.
  3. No change below the standard. Days that were already 8 hours or shorter face the same marginal cost as before.

When each worker carries a fixed daily cost, the cost of labour services depends on the length of the day. Short days spread the fixed cost over few hours; long days run into fatigue. The cheapest workday balances the two, and an overtime premium shortens it.

Overtime premium with fixed costs per worker: shorter days, more workersCost per unit of labour services as a function of the length of the workday, when each worker carries a fixed daily cost F on top of a $20 hourly wage and longer days add services at a diminishing rate. Without an overtime rule the cheapest workday can exceed 8 hours; an overtime premium raises the cost of hours past 8, so the cheapest day shrinks, the firm needs more workers for the same labour services, and its cost per unit rises.
Cheapest workday without the rule
10.0 h
Cheapest workday with the rule
8.0 h
Extra workers needed for the same labour services
16%
Rise in cost per unit of labour services
0.6%
Figure 2. Cost per unit of labour services against the length of the workday, with a $20 wage, a fixed cost of $100 per worker per day and diminishing returns to longer days. Without the rule the cheapest day is 10 hours. A 50 percent premium makes the cheapest day 8 hours: the firm needs 16 percent more workers for the same labour services (substitution), and its cost per unit of labour services rises by 0.6 percent (the source of the scale effect).

Wages can blunt the rule. If workers and firms care about total pay for a job with given hours, a firm can lower the straight-time wage so that pay for a long week is unchanged. Hours then need not fall. Trejo found that large expansions of US overtime coverage, brought about by legislative amendments and Supreme Court decisions, had no detectable effect on overtime hours once trends within industries were accounted for, consistent with straight-time wages adjusting to neutralize the premium.6

Evidence: California extends daily overtime to men

Section titled “Evidence: California extends daily overtime to men”

California required most women to receive time and a half after 8 hours in a day long before federal overtime rules existed. After the Civil Rights Act of 1964 the women-only rule was challenged as discriminatory. From 1974 legal battles left it largely unenforced for both sexes, and in 1980 the daily standard was extended to men.3 Course materials sometimes date the change to 1974; the analysis below compares 1973, when only women were covered, with 1985, when both were.

Hamermesh and Trejo used Current Population Survey data from those two years and the method of difference-in-differences: compare the change in an outcome for the group the rule affected (California men) with the change for a control group facing the same other shocks but not the rule. The control groups were men outside the West, where no daily overtime standard applied, and California women, who were covered in both years.

Share of workers whose day exceeds 8 hours19731985Change (points)
California men (treated)17.12%16.89%−0.23-0.23
Men outside the West20.13%22.79%+2.66+2.66
California women3.96%7.19%+3.23+3.23

Long workdays became more common for both control groups but not for California men. Relative to men elsewhere, the share of California men working more than 8 hours a day fell by 2.9 percentage points, a 17 percent decline; relative to California women, by 3.5 points. Comparing both at once (a triple difference) gives a fall of 5.2 points, or 30 percent. The share working exactly 8 hours rose by 3.4 to 7.7 points relative to the controls, matching the predicted bunching, and men who still worked overtime worked about 0.28 fewer overtime hours a day. The authors estimate that the price elasticity of demand for overtime hours is at least −0.7-0.7, which they regard as an understatement, because the rule raised the price of overtime by less than 50 percent and workers may have wanted more overtime once it paid more.3

Average annual hours actually worked per worker

Selected OECD countries, all workers

  • Canada
  • United States
Average annual hours actually worked per worker
Figure 3. Average annual hours actually worked per worker in Canada and the United States, 1970 to 2025. Hours per worker are the margin overtime rules act on; the chart does not isolate the rules' effect.Source: OECD Data Explorer, Average annual hours actually worked per worker (OECD.ELS.SAE, DSD_HW@DF_AVG_ANN_HRS_WKD). Retrieved 2026-10-23.
Show the data and notes

Total hours actually worked in the year ÷ average number of people in employment (employees and self-employed). The OECD advises using these data to compare trends over time, not levels across countries, because national sources and methods differ. Rounded to whole hours, the OECD's published precision.

PeriodCanadaUnited States
19701,9251,949
19711,9121,936
19721,9041,933
19731,8981,934
19741,8911,903
19751,8721,882
19761,8621,884
19771,8341,888
19781,8361,879
19791,8411,877
19801,8271,859
19811,8121,855
19821,7891,847
19831,7791,867
19841,7891,884
19851,7951,883
19861,7971,875
19871,8071,884
19881,8081,884
19891,8021,895
19901,7971,878
19911,7751,868
19921,7721,867
19931,7691,876
19941,7781,887
19951,7751,886
19961,7901,887
19971,8021,894
19981,7971,892
19991,7951,889
20001,7891,880
20011,7751,860
20021,7571,854
20031,7471,844
20041,7571,845
20051,7471,842
20061,7451,847
20071,7451,842
20081,7421,830
20091,7101,799
20101,7151,810
20111,7111,820
20121,7211,827
20131,7141,825
20141,7091,830
20151,7101,831
20161,7051,822
20171,6941,820
20181,7041,826
20191,6931,823
20201,6581,800
20211,6911,819
20221,6931,810
20231,6941,805
20241,6971,796
20251,6871,800

Use the 1973 and 1985 shares of men working more than 8 hours a day.

  1. Change for the treated group. California men: 16.89−17.12=−0.2316.89 - 17.12 = -0.23 percentage points.

  2. Change for the control group. Men outside the West: 22.79−20.13=+2.6622.79 - 20.13 = +2.66 points. This is the change California men would have had without the rule, under the assumption that both groups would otherwise have followed the same trend.

  3. Difference-in-differences. −0.23−2.66=−2.89-0.23 - 2.66 = -2.89 points. As a share of the 1973 level, 2.89/17.12=0.172.89 / 17.12 = 0.17: the rule cut the incidence of long days among California men by about 17 percent.

  4. A second control. With California women as the control: −0.23−3.23=−3.46-0.23 - 3.23 = -3.46 points.

  5. Interpreting the elasticity. With an elasticity of demand for overtime hours of −0.7-0.7, a 50 percent rise in the price of an overtime hour cuts overtime hours by about 0.7×50=350.7 \times 50 = 35 percent.

Exercise: the triple difference

Among women outside the West, the share with days over 8 hours went from 5.97 to 6.89 percent. The difference-in-differences for women (California minus elsewhere) is (7.19−3.96)−(6.89−5.97)=3.23−0.92=2.31(7.19 - 3.96) - (6.89 - 5.97) = 3.23 - 0.92 = 2.31 points; the rule did not change for women, so this measures California-specific shocks. Subtracting it from the men’s estimate gives −2.89−2.31=−5.20-2.89 - 2.31 = -5.20 points, the triple difference.

1.

A province introduces an overtime premium for hours beyond 8 a day. According to the labour demand framework, what happens to hours per worker and to the number of workers?

2.

Between 1973 and 1985, the share of California men working more than 8 hours a day went from 17.12 to 16.89 percent. Among men outside the West, where no daily overtime rule applied, it went from 20.13 to 22.79 percent. What is the difference-in-differences estimate of the effect of California's daily overtime rule, in percentage points?

3.

Which development would most threaten the difference-in-differences estimate of the effect of California's daily overtime rule on men's long workdays?

Practise more questions on this topic

  1. Government of Alberta, Overtime hours and overtime pay. ↩

  2. Government of Canada, Work hours: federal labour standards. ↩

  3. Hamermesh, D. S. and Trejo, S. J. (2000). The demand for hours of labor: Direct evidence from California. Review of Economics and Statistics, 82(1), 38 to 47. Figures from NBER working paper 5973 (1997), Table 1 and section IV. ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  4. California Department of Industrial Relations, Overtime: frequently asked questions. ↩

  5. Canada Revenue Agency, EI premium rates and maximums and CPP contribution rates, maximums and exemptions. ↩

  6. Trejo, S. J. (2003). Does the statutory overtime premium discourage long workweeks? Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 56(3), 530 to 551. IZA Discussion Paper 373. ↩